Ghostbusters

Razbijaci Duhova

Briseurs de Spectres

Project on the Construction of Public Memory in Bosnia-Herzegovina

 

Introduction to the Project

Project Description

Research Projects Currently in Progress

Project literature

Links to on-line documentary sources

NO TABOOS: Targets for Ghostbusters

Selective List of Research Projects Currently In Progress

 

Introduction to the Project

Welcome to an international research and training project intended to institutionalize in Bosnia and Herzegovina the relatively new historical discipline variously described as the study of the formation of historical consciousness or the construction of public memory.

Dobrodosli na stranicu medjunarodnog istrazivackog i obrazovnog projekta namijenjenog za ustanovu relativno nove historijske discopline u Bosni i Hercegovini, koja je na razne nacine opisana kao studij formacije historijske savjesti kao i konstrukcije javnog pamcenja.

Bienvenu à un projet international de recherche et d'instruction qui a pour but principal l'institutionnalisation en Bosnie-Herzegovinie du champ relativement nouveau appellé l'étude de la formation de la conscience historique ou la construction de la mémoire publique.

Since the end of the war in Bosnia late in 1995, attempts by government commissions and by various NGOs to write a generally accepted, shared common history of Bosnia-Herzegovina have merely established the near-term impossibility of such a task. Despite the important changes in government in Croatia and Yugoslavia, the views of history dominant in various parts of BiH continue to differ radically, originating, as they usually do, in Zagreb, Belgrade, or Sarajevo.

Od kako je rat u Bosni zavrsio po zavrsetku 1995., pokusaji vladinih komisija kao i razlicitih ne-vladinih organizacija da napisu zajednicku historiju Bosne i Hercegovine, koja bi se generalno prihvatila, su stvorili nemogucu situaciju ostvarivanja tog zadatka. Uprkos vaznim promjenama u vladama Hrvatske i Jugoslavije, aspekti historije, koji dominiraju u razlicitim dijelovima BiH, i ciji se korijeni nalaze, kao i obicno, u Zagrebu, Beogradu i Sarajevu, nastavljaju se radikalno razlikovati.

Depuis la fin de la guerre en Bosnie en 1995, des essais par des commissions gouvernementales et par quelques ONGs d'écrire une histoire commune de la Bosnie-Herzegovinie, acceptée par tous, ont au contraire montré impossibilité d'une telle tâche, au moins dans la proche avenir. Malgré les changements politiques importants survenus récemment en Croatie et en Jugoslavie, les optiques dominantes dans les diverses parties de la Bosnie continuent à différer radicalement, surtout à cause de leurs points d'origine différents: Zagreb, Sarajevo, et Belgrade.

Rather than attempt to achieve a shared history, the Ghostbusters attempt to apply, in the most professional and critical way, relatively new methods and new questions to evidence about how these separate histories have been told, narrated, symbolically communicated, represented, and shaped in the years since 1992.

Radije nego pokusati ostvariti zajednicku historiju, "Istjerivaci Duhova" pokusavaju primijeniti, na jedan najstrucniji i kriticniji nacin, relativno nove metode i postaviti nova pitanja dokazu kako su se ove razlicite historije pricale, prepricavale, simbolicki prenosile, predstavljale i oblikovale nakon 1992. godine.

Au lieu d'essayer la creation d'une histoire commune, les Briseurs de Spectres essaient d'employer des méthodes rigoureuses et scientifiques dans l'étude de l'evidence relative aux moyens par lesquels ces histoires distinctes ont étés narrées, racontées, symboliquement communiqués, représentées, et formulées depuis 1992.

This is an international project, using three languages -English, Serbo-Croatian-Bosnian, and French-and inviting the collaboration of students, professional historians, and other competent persons from any country or political entity. Join us with an email message to jhw4@cornell.edu.

Ovo je medjunarodni projekat, gdje se koriste tri jezika - Engleski, Srpsko-Hrvatsko-Bosanski, i Francuski - i poziva na saradnju studente, strucne historicare i ostale sposobne osobe iz bilo koje zemlje ili politickog entiteta. Pridruzite nam se sa email porukom na jhw4@cornell.edu.

Ceci est un projet international, employant trois langues -anglais, serbo-croato-bosnien, et français -et sollicitant la participatioin des étudiants, historiens, et autres chercheurs compétents venants de tous pays et entités politiques. Venez vous joindre à nous par un message à <jhw4@cornell.edu>.

 

 

PROJECT DESCRIPTION

 

1. Detailed Narrative Description

 

Objective

To instill in Bosnian teachers, students, and citizens a critical awareness of how their past is conveyed to them. An understanding of how such public memory is constructed, framed, and conveyed will allow them to limit the impact of conflictual or threat-creating narratives and to identify more clearly the agents influencing their thoughts and actions.

 

 

Premises

 

The following premises underlie this project:

1,

That the ghosts of past conflicts and political crimes must be called down from the attic to be interrogated and diagnosed, in a continual process of analysis and interpretation. These ghosts constantly shape the construction of public memory, whether they are explicitly present at the construction or are masked by co ntemporary political influences -Ðthemselves subject to researchersÕ analysis -- or devices of psychological repression. In the Yugoslav case, TitoÕs policy of suppressing discussion of past internecine conflicts "simply allowed [the resulting resentments] to fester beneath the surface, made it possible for myths about wartime abuses to diverge ever farther, and provided the opportunity for cynical nationalists to use these mutually exclusive versions of victimization to stoke the flames of new conflict and abuse in the 1990s. By critical analysis of how public memory is formed, how these ghosts work, members of the project will come to an understanding of the process that, when communicated to others, will contribute to peaceful and constructive political and social relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

2.

That such ghostbusting, i.e., such critical analysis, will not necessarily result in a fully shared, agreed-upon history. Even in countries where a wide range of constructions of public memory have been more fully examined, historical interpretations within the general population or various subgroups will continue to differ. One can imagine various controversial subjects, such as the Civil War or American policy toward Native Americans, which would be treated differently in different classrooms. Neverthless, in after a generation of scholarship and the relatively unimpeded dissemination of knowledge, the range of acceptable interpretations would be limited. In other words, some of the more extreme statements concerning these subjects would probably give rise to quick and well grounded refutation. Such extreme claims, however, flourish in Bosnia-Herzegovina: I encountered them frequently among those who attended my courses and my training seminars. I will encounter them again in training new cohorts.

3.

That the technique of ghostbusting, i.e., of understanding the languages in which statements about the past, especially the conflictual past, are expressed, can be treated as a subject separate from the reconstruction of the past, a search for an accepted, empirical truth. In other words, I hope that interested parties from all sides of the Bosnian conflict can come to share as a common enterprise the acquisition of this critical awareness and self-consciousness about the language of public memory, the functioning of the vectors that convey these statements (such as textbooks, films, songs, or monuments), and the ways one can assess their importance and influence. For example, within the group of gho þstbusters now being trained, a Serb from Banja Luka is studying the representations of the destruction of the Ferhabed mosque in Banja Luka and the statements made about significance of attempting to rebuild it, while a team of Muslims is studying the rituals and formulaic statements used in the various ceremonies and constructions used to memorialize the Kapija massacre of 25 May 1995 in Tuzla.

 

OPIS PROJEKTA

Da bi smo usadili u bosanske profesore,studente i gradjane kriticku svjesnost kako je njihova proslost prenijeta na njih.Razumjeti kako je takva javno uspomena konstruktovana,uklopljena i prenesna, dozvolice im da sprijece uticaj konfliknosti ili prijetcih retorika i da jasnije identifikuju sredstva koja uticu na njihove misli i dijela.

 

Premise

Slijedece premise podupiru ovaj projekat :

1

To "duhovi" proslog konflikta i polticki zlocini moraju biti osudjeni sa vrha, istrazeni i dijagnostikovani,u kontinuiranom procesu analiziranja i predtavljanja.Ovi duhovi konstantno uoblicavaju formu javne uspomene,bez obzira jesu li oni eksplicitno prisutni u formi ili zamaskirani savremenim politickim uticajima-koji su sami za sebe predmet istrazivackih analiza--ili orudja psiholoske represije.U slucaju Jugoslavije,Titova politika zataskavanja diskutovanaja o krvavim sukobima u proslosti"jednostavno je dozvolila[rezultirajuci ozlojadjenoscu] da gnoj izbije na povrsinu, omogucila da mitovi iz ratnog vremena budu zloupotrbljeni za jos vece razilazenje i pruzila mogucnost cinicnim nacionalistima, da iskoriste ove najnovije uzajamne verzije prevara i podpale vatru novog sukoba i iskoriste ga u devedesetim". Kritickim analiziranjem kako se formira javna uspomena,kako ovi duhovi rade, clanovi projekta ce moci razumjeti ovaj proces,dok budu komunicirali sa ostalim,doprinjece mirnim i konstruktivnim politickim i drustvenim odnosima u Bosni i Hercegovini.

Takvo "razbijanje duhova"i.e.,takva kriticka analiza nece neminovno imati rezultat na podjednako usaglasavanje stava o pitanju istorije.Cak i u zemljama gdje je siroka granica izgradjivanja javne uspomene bila mnogo vise sagledana,istorijske interpretacije u okviru ukupne populacije ili razlicitih podgrupa ce se nastaviti razlikovati.Jedan na koji mozemo pomisliti medju razlicitim kontroverznim temama,kao sto je gradjanski rat ili americka politika prema Indijancima,koje su bile razlicito tretirane u razlicitim ucionicama.Ipak,u zadnjem nastajanju naucnosti i relativno nesmetanom sirenju znanja,domet prihvatljivih tumacenja bi bio ogranicen.Drugim rijecima,neke od najekstremnijih izjava vezanih za ove teme, bi vjerovatno naisle na brza i dobro utemeljena pobijanja.Takva ekstremne tvrdnje,kako god,cvijetaju u Bosni i Hercegovini:ja sam ih susretao cesto medju onima koji su pohadjali moje kurseve i moje seminare obuke.Ja cu ih ponovo susresti u obucavanju novih generacija.

3.

Ta tehnika[razbijanje duhova],i.e.razumijevanja jezika kojim se svijedoci o proslosti,posebno konfliktnoj proslosti,je brza,moze biti tretirana kao poseban predmet odvojen od rekonstrukcije proslosti,potraga za prihvatljivom,empirijskom istinom.Drugim rijecima,nadam se da ce zainteresirane stranke svih strana bosanskog sukoba,uspjeti da podijele zajednicki interes sticanja ove kriticke svjesnosti i samosvjesti o jeziku javne uspomene,funkcionisanju vektora koji prenose takve izjave (kao sto su strucne knjige,filmovi,pjesme ili spomenici) i nacini koji ocjenjuju njihovu vaznost i uticaj.Na primjer,unutar grupe razbijaca duhova koji se sada obucavaju,Srbin iz Banja Luke proucava reprezntovanje unistenja dzamije Ferhadija u Banja Luci i stanovista data o znacaju pokusaja da se ponovo izgradi,dok tim Muslimana proucava rituale i formulisanje izjava koristenih u razlicitim ceremonijama i oblicima koristenim za memoriziranje maskra na Kapiji 25. maja 1995 u Tuzli

 

Origins

The publication of Henry Rousso's Le syndrome de Vichy in 1987 and the appearance of the international journal History and Memory two years later marked the launching of a new subdiscipline, the study of the construction of public memory, also called the history of historical consciousness. The field encompasses many kinds of activities: the study of rhetorical uses of history in political discourse, the study of commemoration ceremonies and the construction of monuments, the analysis of film content and reception, the investigation of the manifestations of traumatic experiences in political discourse and social life, the treatment of history in textbooks and novels, the study of the national narratives presented in war crimes trials and the reaction to these narratives in the national press, public disputes among historians (such as the German Historikerstreit of 1986), changes in language policy, and the politics of museum creation and exhibitions.

 

The present applicant, who teaches courses on Modern European History at Cornell and whose research until 1992 dealt largely with France, Italy, and Belgium, has been active in this field since the late 1980s. I have taught courses on the subject, served as a Faculty Fellow in this subject at our Society for the Humanities, and led faculty-graduate student workshops on French and Bosnian historical consciousness in 1998, 1999, and 2000.

 

In 1996 I began teaching for two weeks each summer at the Tuzla International Summer University. Since 1998 my corse there has been entitled "Ghosts and Legacies: How Nations Have Dealt with Guilty and Divisive Pasts." At the end of this course in the summer of 2000, the students (from the three major ethnic groups and from Banja Luka, Sarajevo, and Derventa as well as Tuzla) expressed an eagerness to bring the questions and theoretical issues produced by the research on France, Germany, America, and Japan to bear upon the Bosnian case. On 18 January 2001 I thus arrived in Tuzla to begin an intensive week-long seminar, with the summer students and new recruits, in which we reviewed the European and American scholarship on the subject and prepared research topics. One three-hour-long seminar was conducted by speakerphone with journalist and scholar Kemal Kurspahic, then at his home in Virgina .All this work was done in close collaboration with Prof. Enver Halilovic, Vice-Rector of the University of Tuzla, and Azem Kozar, Professor of Modern History at Tuzla and Director of the Archives of Northeast Bosnia.

 

At the suggestion of one of the students, the cooperative research effort is called the Ghostbusters Project (Razbijaci Duhova). A list of the currently launched research topics is given in the Research Reports section. If you do not have the Login and Password for this section, which contains some material needing reproduction control from the authors, please email to <jhw4@cornell.edu>.

 

Porijekla

Publikacija Henri Rusoa-Visijevski sindrome iz 1987 i pojava medjunarodnog zurnala"Istorija i sjecanje"dvije godine poslije obiljezila je lansiranje nove poddiscipline,studije konstruktovanja javne uspomene,takodje nazvane istorija istorijskie savjesnosti.Ovo polje obuhvata mnoge razlicite aktivnosti:proucavanje iskoristavanja istorije u politickoj retorici ,proucavanje komemoracijskih ceremonija i izgradnja spomenika,anliza sadrzaja filma i njegov prijem,istraga o ispoljavanju traumatskih iskustava u politickom i drustvenom zivotu,odnos prema istoriji u strucnim knjigama i novelama,proucavanje nacinalnih pripovijesti prikazanih u procesima o ratnim zlocinima i reakcija na iste, u nacionalnoj stampi,javno osporavanje medju istoricarima(kao sto je njemacki Historikestreit iz 1986),promjene jezicke politike i politike muzejskog stvaranja i izlozbi.

Sadasnji istrazivac,koji predaje kurseve moderne evropske istorije na Kornelu i koji istrazuje od 1992, radio je najvise sa Francuskom,Italijom i Belgijom,aktivan je na ovom polju od kasnih osamdesetih.Predavao sam kurseve o ovom predmetu,,bio u ulozi Faculty Fellow na ovu temu u nasem Drustvu za humanost i vodio radionice za diplomirane studente o Francuskoj i Bosanskoj istorijskoj savjesnosti u1998,1999 i 2000.

U 1996 poceo sam predavati po 2 sedmice svakog ljeta tokom Medjunarodnog ljetnjeg univerziteta u Tuzli.Od 1998 moj kurs je nazvan"Duhovi i zakonitosti:kako se nacije nose sa krivnjom i razotkrivanjem proslosti."Na kraju ovog kursa u ljeto 2000,studenti(iz tri najvece etnicke grupe iz Banja Luke,Sarajeva i Mostara kao i iz Tuzle)iskazali su zudnju da postave pitanja i teorije nastale iz istrazivanja o Francuskoj,Njemackoj,Americi i Japanu da ih prenesu na Bosanski slucaj.I tako,stigao sam u Tuzlu 18 januara 2001 da pocnem intenzivan sedmicni seminar, sa studentimaod ljeta i novim regruitima,u kojima smo napravili pregled evropskog i americkog proucavanja teme i pripremili teme istrazivanja.Jedan takav trosatni seminar je bio vodjen preko telefonskog zvucnika sa novinarom i naucnikom Kemal Kurspahicem,a potom u njegovom domu u Virdjiniji.Sve ovo je uradjeno u bliskoj saradnji sa prof.Enverom Halilovicem,Prorektorom Univerziteta u Tuzli i Azemom Kozarom,profesorom moderne istorije u Tuzli i direktorom Arhiva sjeveroistocne Bosne.

Na prijedlog jednog od studenata,ovaj zajednicki istrazivacki napor je nazvan Ghostbusters Project(Projekat-Razbijaci duhova).Spisak trenutno pokrenutih tema istrazivanja je dat u slijedecem dijelu.

 

Project Schedule

 

Phase I of the Project was the initial Razbijaci Duhova seminar given in Tuzla at the end of January.

 

Phase II of the Project, January 2001 - May 2001, consists of preliminary research on the problems formulated during the seminar. See list below. During this time the University of Tuzla, with the cooperation of the Universities of Sarajevo, Banja Luka, and Mostar recruited more researchers. Students have communicated with me (and with Kemal Kurspahic and John Rosenbaum) mostly by email. In the case of those students who are conducting this research as part of their graduating thesis work (diplomski rad), Prof. Kozar has also supervised and facilitated archival access. As part of the on-going training of the research teams, I have continued to add to the Website (which carries entries in English, French and Serbo-Croatian-Bosnian.) and to send them printed and video materials. The administrative support for these communications comes from the Institute for European Studies at Cornell University and from the Office of the Vice-Rector of the University of Tuzla.

 

Phase III consisted of meetings during my nine-day visit to Tuzla in June 2001. Researchers presented written reports on the progress of their research, began a jointly compiled and annotated bibliography of works in Serbo-Croatian-Bosnian, formulated new research questions, and gave introductory training to the next cohort of Ghostbusters. At this time we also discussed forums for the presentation of completed drafts, such as the Sokolovic Democracy Seminar in Konjic or other meetings in America, Bosnia, and France.

 

Phase IV, May 2001-October 2001. After a summer in which most communication was by email and by monitoring postings on our Website, and a substantial amount of time was spent establishing the separately funded --not part of this grant proposal--Tuzla Learning Center, I returned to Tuzla during Cornell's fall break, 5-10 October 2000. It was a busy time:

1. I critically examined the written results of the more advanced research projects. For example, Amir Kliko, who delivered in June a valuable account of the research resources available at the Soros Media Center in Sarajevo, gave a presentation of his research findings about the siege of the city of Jajce in the fall of 1992. Since Kliko had previously completed for us a study of the way the 1994 Markale shelling massacre in Sarajevo has been commemorated in the press every year, I had a chance to point out to the Ghostbusters, addressing myself particularly to the newer students, that whereas KlikoÕs Markale study, like the studies by Hodzic, Kapidzic, and Iljazagic of the commemorations of the Ahmici killings (two very different monuments were built by the Muslim and the Croat communities), addresses itself directly to "ghostbuster" questions, the study of the Jajce siege, devoted largely, if not entirely, to reconstruction of the events, had only limited connection to our concerns.

2. I heard reports about new Ghostbuster projects. Midhat Djedovic's report on the textbook wars in the Brcko district might be of particular interest to the readers of this project. Enough Muslim refugees have returned to a location on the edge of the Brcko district in northern Bosnia to justify a school reopening. The schools in the area, controlled by Serbs, had used textbooks written in Belgrade in which, for example, Draza Mihailovic, leader of the Chetnik Serb royalist anti-Nazi formations in World War II, was pictured as a hero. The returnees objected to having their children forced to learn from these textbooks. As the situation stands as of last week, the Office of the High Representative in Bosnia has ordered that new textbooks be introduced. According to DjedovicÕs preliminary report, however, these books will be used only in the Muslim-populated schools. The divisions remain, and the ghost of Draza Mihailovic, seen by many Muslims and Croats as a genocidal nationalist, not a patriot, has yet to be engaged in critical debate, nor has the language, imagery, and contextualizing strategy of all those who tell his story undergone critical analysis.

3. I discussed the plans for making the critical compilation film. This will be a video production like very few others anywhere. Combining clips from films with interviews with makers, reviewers, and viewers, Enes Iljazagic and his collaborators on the project will compare the creation, shaping, and influence of a number of important films shown in Bosnia since the beginning of the war. They have been conducting research about certain of these films since the early months of the Ghostbusters project and have also been testing their critical capacities in discussions after joint screenings, in essays that have joined the growing corpus of Ghostbuster output, and in commentaries on the articles and books I have offered them in which scholars have analyzed films.

The day following my departure from Tuzla, my close friend John Rosenbaum arrived in Tuzla to begin has tenure as a Fulbright Professor in the department of journalism. John visited Tuzla with me last year and had preliminary meetings with Iljazagic and the others working on the model video project. They will now begin working on it at an accelerated pace, guided by Rosenbaum, who teaches film and video production (among other subjects) at Ithaca College. The goal is to produce, then reproduce, a video, with workbook, intended for use in Bosnian secondary school classrooms.

4. We discussed plans for the group's trip to Paris. Henry Rousso, mentioned above, has been most enthusiastic about the Ghostbuster project and has invited the group to Paris for a week-long seminar in January. At that time the Ghostbusters will present their more advanced research projects, hear presentations from Rousso and his collaborators on current research questions and methodologies, and discuss the making of their video. Rousso has concerned himself in many publications with the making of compilation films, as well as, in his most recently translated work, with the way French ghosts are addressed in French secondary schools. The seminar will also be attended by Jean-Pierre Bertin-Maghit, maker of LE CINEMA DE L'OMBRE, possibly the only other professionally made critical compilation film that addresses questions of contemporary European history.

5. We discussed the matter of how to convey Ghostbuster methods and principles efficiently to other prospective teachers or to students and readers. I suggested that one of the approaches to use was to treat this as an exercise in learning languages: the language of films (which are, if one is to agree with scholars like Anton Kaes, far more important than textbooks in framing public memory), monuments, songs, and images in the press, as well as the 'language of language' itself: the analysis of rhetoric and figurative language was well as the different social contexts in which language communicates and shapes. At the end of the discussion it was decided that the Ghostbusters, acting with my guidance, should produce a Ghostbusters Handbook, in Bosnian, in which many of the lessons that had been learning over the past three years could be effectively and economically made available to teachers and other readers.

6. We discussed matters of diffusion and institutionalization: how we would get the word out to teachers and students. The reader should note that all but four of the current two cohorts of ghostbusters are now teaching history in Bosnian public schools. They have a sense of what would be useful and what they need that is grounded in their own current work experience. The majority of the proposals for which I ask support here, the establishment of an association of history teachers (none now exists), the publication of a bulletin containing research results and variety of teaching resources, and the conduct of periodic workshops are proposals that came from them out of this experience.They have all demonstrated, moreover, a substantial capacity to combine full-time teaching with archival research, critical video-screening, and on-site interviewing. All these activities, by the way, will benefit from the close cooperation between the University of Tuzla and the Tuzla Learning Center.

 

I would suggest that this grounding of the Ghostbuster project in young, energetic, and already experienced members of the Bosnian teaching profession is the best indication that the project will empower young people, and perhaps many older ones, to view the shaping of their public memory as an enterprise to be treated with care, self-consciousness, and critical curiousity. And thus the most destructive of the myths that have been part of the language of ghosts may be exorcized.

We began the discussion of evaluation methods for the project. Although our discussion of this latter was not extensive, the Ghostbusters were quick to accept the notion of evaluation components built into workshops as well as the evaluations that occur in peer reviews of journal submissions or in diploma examinations. They saw my proposal to invite "outside" evaluators to visit the Bosnian schools in which Ghostbuster material was used as a valuable one. They also agreed that the late summer of 2003, when some of their earliest material would have been in the classrooms for about one academic year, would be a productive time to make the visits.

 

Phase V. October 2001- January 2002. Research reports are prepared for presentation at the seminar at the Institut d'Histoire du Temps Present in Paris. Iljazagic and others begin work with Prof. John Rosenbaum on pilot video for presentation to Paris seminar. Weiss and others begin preparing Ghostbusters' Handbook. Senior Ghostbusters, working with the University of Tuzla and with the facilities of the Tuzla Learning Center, take steps to organize and register the History Teachers Association. Seminar in Paris, 8-16 January 2002. Readers should note that no USIP funds are requested for this seminar.

 

Phase VI. January 2002-July 2002. Preparation of first teaching Ghostbusters video and workbook. Certain of the research reports are prepared for submission as research papers at Bosnian and international conferences. Some will also be sent for outside publication, others will be published in the first issues of the Bulletin of the History Teachers Association. Work on the bulletin and organization of a two-entity (all-Bosnian) Ghostbusters workshop for history teachers. Weiss continues work on GhostbustersÕ handbook, reviews research reports and supervises preparation for publicaiton, helps to organize support for workshop and for Bulletin.

 

Phase VII. August/September 2002 - June 2003. Workshop on Ghostbusting for Bosnian history teachers in September 2002. Introduction of material (videos, Handbook, Bulletin) into classrooms. Further training seminars in January 2003

 

Phase VIII. August 2003 - January 2004. Evaluation of the Ghostbusters project as a teaching enterprise in the Bosnian public schools as well as a training enterprise for Bosnian reseachers. Visits to the teacher resources center at the University of Tuzla/Tuzla Learning Center. On-site visits to selected schools. The evaluators currently proposed: 1. Leigh Anne Eubank. Ph. D. Candidate in History at Cornell and former history teacher in the North Carolina Public School System. She is one of the few people who thus combines classroom experience with leading-edge training in the study of the construction of public memory. Jennifer Greene is a nationally known expert in the evaluation of teaching programs. Ibrahim Causevic is headmaster of the Harmani Jedan school in Bihac and a specialist in history. Enver Halilovic, an "inside" evaluator, is vice-rector of the University of Tuzla and former dean of its Faculty of Philosophy, which had responsibility for training almost all the public school teachers in Northeast Bosnia.

 

Phase IX. January 2004. Presentation of the results of the evaluation teamÕs work. Planning for continued training, revision of Handbook, production of further teaching videos.

 

Significance

The significance of the project stems in part from the fact that, with the partial exception of Michael Sells' The Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia no such research has been conducted in Bosnia before, nor have any Bosnians been trained in how to conduct the relevant research. A critical understanding of how Bosnian ghosts are shaped, hidden, and interrogated can only advance the cause of peace, stability, and enlightened, democratic political progress in this country and throughout the Balkans

 

 

Project literature

Instructional literature, bibliography, filmography

Sarah Kent, "Writing the Yugoslav Wars: English-Language Books on Bosnia (1992-1996)." American Historical Review 102:4 (October, 1997), 1085-1114.

Bibliography on Memory Politics

Research reports

 Kapija Report #1 (Hodzic)

The WWII Memorial: A National Dishonor

 

Links to on-line documentary sources

LAUNCHING AN ACADEMIC QUARTERLY ON-LINE JOURNAL:  NEW BALKAN POLITICS

The NEW BALKAN POLITICS Journal was launched first, to fill at least partly the emerged lack of academic periodical publications in the post-communist Balkan counties, and, last but not least, to help for overcoming some prevailing prejudices and stereotypes that were preventing cooperation among scholars in the area. The Editorial Board includes some names of established academics from the region and beyond: M.Maleska(Skopje) - Editor-in-Chief, M.Givanovik (Banja Luka), M.Podunavac (Belgrade), L.Veljak (Zagreb), S.Nikolov (Sofia), A.Starova (Tirana), Hon. D.Maleski (Skopje), L.Hristova(Skopje), I. Trajkov (Skopje), G.Starova (Skopje), Amb.S.Milosavlevski(Skopje), K.Temkov (Skopje), S.Boze (London), Kaufman (Lihajm, USA, P.Tamas (Budapest), C.Kupcan (Washington, DC), M.Dole (Prinston), G.Goselin (Lile, France), S.Bijancini (Bolowa), O.Minchev (Sofia),V.Goati(Belgrade), R.Mahmutcehajik (Sarajevo)

In addition to the meeting the obligatory for an academic publication deep and objective analysis, this new journal aims also at creating a new sensibility on the Balkans. This means an ability for a courageous and tolerant dialogue and debate on issues, which both in the past and in the present are source of misunderstanding, conflicts and trauma between the Balkan peoples. This is also a tool for communication between both the Balkan scholars themselves, and between themselves and the world.

New Balkan Politics is currently an on-line journal and could be read at the following web site: www.newbalkanpolitics.org.mk in Macedonian and English. Its first issue already was an object of a huge attention and interest, and the second one is under preparation.  


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Vijesti

 

News

THE INSTITUTE FOR WAR AND PEACE REPORTING

IWPR's network of leading correspondents in the region provides inside analysis of the events and issues driving crises in the Balkans. The reports are available on the Web in English, Serbian and Albanian. They are also available via e-mail. For syndication information, contact Anthony Borden <tony@iwpr.net>.

Balkan Crisis Report is supported by the Department for International Development, European Commission, and Swedish International Development and Cooperation Agency and other sources. IWPR also acknowledges general support from the Ford Foundation.

For further details on this project and other information services and media programmes, visit IWPR's Website: <http://www.iwpr.net>

 

Daughter of War Crimes Suspect Seeks Medical Release - Central Europe Online

The daughter of a Bosnian Serb who is awaiting trial before an international war crimes tribunal has appealed for him to be given leave from his Dutch prison on medical grounds, a paper said Tuesday.

 

Bosnian Muslims on Trial for War Crimes Against Croats - Central Europe Online

The first local trial involving Bosnian Muslims accused of war crimes against ethnic Croats during Bosnia's 1992-95 war opened on Tuesday at a court in the city of Mostar.

 

Bosnia Agency to Begin Insurance of Bank Deposits - Central Europe Online

The Deposit Insurance Agency (DIA) of Bosnia's Muslim-Croat federation said on Wednesday it would soon sign the first deposit insurance contracts with selected banks in a bid to rebuild trust in the banking system.

 

Iraqi Minister Says West's Depleted Uranium a Killer 10 Years On - Central Europe Online

Thousands of Iraqis die each year because of UN sanctions and the legacy of the West's bombardment of the desert state with depleted uranium (DU) munitions, Baghdad's health minister said on Tuesday.

 

Bosnian Court Tries Six Muslims for War Crimes - Central Europe Online

The first local trial of Bosnian Muslims charged with war crimes began on Tuesday in southern town of Mostar, Bosnian radio reported.

 

EU Optimistic About Cooperation With New Bosnian Serb Government (http://www.centraleurope.com/bosniatoday/news.php3?id=265674)

Sweden's ambassador to Bosnia, whose country now holds the EU presidency, voiced optimism Tuesday about future ties between the European Union and the Bosnian Serb government.

 

Croatian rail link resumes service - BBC

A railway line across part of Croatia and Bosnia, closed for nearly a decade as a result of war, is being re-opened on Friday.

 

Balkan Report - Volume 5, Number 7 - RFE/RL

Several German-language newspapers have recently run highly controversial articles about how to interpret the latest findings of a Finnish forensic team in Kosova.


Vijesti

Nova hrvatska vlada podrzava cjelovitost BiH - Oslobodjenje

Sef misije OSCE-a za BiH veleposlanik Robert Barry sa suradnicima u petak je posjetio Zagreb gdje je imao odvojene razgovore s ministrima vanjskih poslova i obrane i predsjednikom Odbora Hrvatskog sabora za vanjsku politiku.

 

Hoce silom da preseli groblje! - Oslobodjenje

Nacelnik opstine Jugozapad Ivan Mandic uputio je pismo gradonacelniku i dogradonacelniku Mostara u kojem ih obavjestava da namjerava izmjestiti posmrtne ostatke osoba koje su poginule tokom rata u Mostaru i sahranjene u Liska parku.

 

Imenovati novog mandatara - Oslobodjenje

Zahtjev Martina Raguza da mu se kao mandataru za predsjedavajuceg Vijeca ministara BiH ostavi jos sedam do deset dana za dodatne konsultacije samo je jos jedna od potvrda arogancije dosadasnje vlasti ocjenjuju u SDPBiH.

 

Na sceni dvije alijanse - Oslobodjenje

Prije pocetka sastanka na koji je bilo pozvano 35 ucesnika, a odazvalo se jedva desetak, prisutni su dobili dva pisma u kojim potpisnici daju svoje misljenje o organizaciji ovakvog sastanka.

 

Novi krug (http://www.oslobodjenje.com.ba/asp/showart.asp?art_id=12816) - Oslobodjenje

Na zasjedanju Zastupnickog doma Skupstine BiH u ponedjeljak, 29. januara, nece se birati Vijece ministara, kako je prvobitno bilo najavljeno. Mandatar Martin Raguz najavio je novi krug konsultacija, uprkos uvjerenju da ima vecinu i sto se iz Banje Luke vr

 

Trepca radila kao krematorij - Oslobodjenje

Pripadnici specijalnih jedinica MUP-a Srbije - izvrsavajuci naredjenje "jednog od najblizih Milosevicevih saradnika" - spalili su u visokoj peci Kombinata Trepca, u proljece 1999, vise od hiljadu i po prethodno pobijenih albanskih civila sa Kosova.

 

Sverc oruzja vodili bivsi oficiri HV! - Oslobodjenje

Kako smo javili, policija je u cetvrtak objavila da je tog dana koordiniranom akcijom razbila medjunarodni krijumcarski lanac i pri tome uhapsila i dvojicu organizatora.

 

Carla del Ponte odbila prijedlog da se Milosevicu sudi u Beogradu - Vjesnik

Tuziteljica Haaskog suda na kraju trodnevnog posjeta Beogradu ponovila zahtjev za uhicenje i izrucenje bivseg jugoslavenskog predsjednika. Tajne optuznice koje je Carla del Ponte donijela u Beograd navodno ostale neisporucene.

 

Treci entitet bio bi politicko samoubojstvo! - Vjesnik

Politika vodjena od 1993. godine dozivjela je vojni, politicki i svaki drugi krah. Kada to nije bilo moguce provesti tada, iluzorno je pa cak i glupo ocekivati da spomenuta politika ima izgleda na uspjeh u danasnjim okolnostima.

 

Odnosi Hrvatska - Haag - Nacional

Vlada jos ne zna kakav je haaski status generala Stipetica: Stipetic ce stoga sam pokusati razrijesiti sve dvojbe oko svog polozaja.

 

Pozadina kradje Tudjmanovih transkripata - Nacional

Miroslav Tudjman ukrao je transkripte iz kojih se vidi da je njegov otac imao informacije o HDZ-ovim kriminalcima ali je sprijecio da se bilo sto poduzme.

 

Bauk Haaga - Feral Tribune

Racan je pokazao da mu buka oko Haaga zapravo i ne smeta, da mu je, naprotiv, tajno hofiranje s desnicom potrebno kako bi barem oko Haaga zbio redove u zemlji, ako ih vec nije u stanju zbiti ni oko cega drugog. U to ime on vec pravi i neke usluge, poput p

 

NO TABOOS: Targets for Ghostbusters

IWPR 6 March 2002
REGIONAL REPORT:
CROATIA: USTASHA LEGACY ALIVE AND KICKING
 
 
Croatia cannot hope to enter European mainstream unless the government overcomes its ambivalence towards the extreme right.
 
 
By Drago Hedl in Osijek
 
 
The censoring of a documentary featuring eye-witness accounts from victims of the Second World War Ustasha regime in Croatia, has led to charges that the government will go to any lengths not to upset the far right.
 
The popular political strand "Latinica" had scheduled a programme on the issue of whether Croatia should outlaw the use of Ustasha and Nazi symbols. Two hours before the programme was due to air on February 18, programme makers were told it was to be pulled and replaced by a film.
 
The order to censor Latinica came directly from Jasna Ulaga-Valic, editor-in-chief of Croatian state television, HTV, on the basis that the
Croatian government, army, defence ministry or any other individual could legitimately sue HTV over the contents of the programme. "I've taken this decision with a heavy heart," she said. "However, as the director of programmes, I chose not to expose the audience to rash or thoughtless viewpoints or to run the risk of possible legal charges."
 
The most "contentious" element of the programme concerned the parallels it drew between the 1940s and 1990s. The Ustasha movement, headed by Ante Pavelic, established an independent Croatian state in 1941- in practice, a brutal client state of Nazi Germany. Bjanka Auslender, a Sarajevo-born Jewish woman, told how 41 out of 44 of her family members had perished at the hands of the Ustashas. While Auslender described her deportation to a concentration camp in Djakovo, images of Bosnian Muslims being deported to a camp outside Mostar during the 1990s flashed across the screen.
 
The Mostar camp had been set up by leaders of the self-proclaimed government of Herceg Bosna, a rogue Croatian mini-state in Bosnia which enjoyed the financial and military backing of then Croatian president Dr Franjo Tudjman. The Latinica feature concluded with reporter Elizabeta Penic observing that 50 years after the slaughter of Jews by the Ustasha, "Tudjman's notorious regime again sought to address the issue of minorities with the use of concentration camps".
 
Vesna Ulaga-Valic insists that prior to deciding to take the programme off the air, she sought to discuss the report with the presenter and editor of Latinica, Denis Latin. As the invitation was made only two hours before the programme was due to be broadcast and Ulaga-Valic had not previously requested any changes to the report, Latin refused.
 
Known for his courageous stance on taboo subjects such as Croatian war crimes committed during the Fatherland War, as Croatia's war of
independence in the early 1990s is known, Latin was declared Journalist of the Year in 2001 by the Croatian Journalists Association.
 
It seems highly unlikely that the Croatian government, the army, or the defence ministry would have sued HTV over the content of the Latinica report, if only because Prime Minister Ivica Racan's government has been so eager to show the international community that it is different from the Tudjman regime and respects the freedom of the press. Had the show been broadcast, however, the Racan government would undoubtedly have penalised the editor-in-chief, probably by removing her from office.
 
For her part, Ulaga-Valic was probably aware that it would not be in the government's interest to ignore the controversial feature, so she banned the show in order to protect her own position. The Ustasha legacy is still potent in parts of Croatian society and the extreme right would have used such a "provocation" to mobilise its many followers against the authorities. The Croatian authorities appear not to feel strong enough to sustain whatever blow they might receive from the right.
 
Under Franjo Tudjman, the extreme right were not only tolerated, their views were even sometimes reflected by the president himself, whose
earlier notorious comment that he was fortunate not to be married to a Jew or a Serb damaged Croatia's reputation abroad and also instilled fear among many citizens. When the Racan government came to power in early 2000, many expected that the new authorities would make a radical break with Tudjman's regime and ban the use of Ustasha and Nazi insignia and symbols.
 
On the contrary, there are regular neo-fascist incidents and events in Croatia today, ranging from the raising of a monument in Slunj dedicated to Ustasha war criminal Jure Francetic in June 2000, to the mining of a monument to the victims of fascism in Zagreb's main Mirogoj cemetery in February 2001. Such incidents take place unimpeded, with the perpetrators
never identified or brought to justice.
 
This explains not only why a large part of the public believes that a law prohibiting the use of Ustasha and Nazi symbols and the promotion of fascism is necessary, but also why such a legislation has little chance of being adopted by parliament any time soon.
 
If the authorities do not overcome their ambivalence towards the extreme right, critics warn, Croatia cannot hope to enter the European mainstream. One of the six parties in the ruling coalition has already left in protest at the government's reluctance to grapple with the legacy of the Tudjman era. Parliamentary deputy, Damir Kajin, of the Istrian Democratic Alliance, summed up the frustration of many. "With censored television shows, Croatia stands little chance of waving goodbye to its OSCE observers, let alone joining the European Union," he said.
 
Drago Hedl is IWPR's project editor in Croatia
 
 
 
 
 
Vector: Public Lecture, Books
Location: Turkey/Armenia
Ghost: Armenian Genocide of 1915
Source: Cornell email. See author's books, maybe later reports on the lecture

 

 

In commemoration of the Armenian Genocide

You are invited to a public lecture by

Prof. VAHAKN DADRIAN

"The Main Characteristics of the Armenian Genocide

as revealed in official German and Ottoman documents"

on Tuesday, April 3, 2001, at 4:30PM

in Clark Hall, Room 700 (7th floor), on the Cornell campus

(Clark Hall is located next to Rockefeller and Bailey Halls)

Web site : http://www.lns.cornell.edu/~vvs/april2001.html
Email : vvs@mail.lns.cornell.edu
Phone : (607) 255-4711

About Dadrian:

Vahakn N. Dadrian is considered the foremost scholar of the Armenian Genocide. Through an academic career spanning thirty years, involving an interdisciplinary perspective that joined Sociology, History and Law, Dadrian has helped create the field of the Comparative Study of Genocide. He has held academic positions at Harvard, MIT, and the State University of New York; and has directed the Genocide Study Project sponsored by the Guggenheim Foundation. Dadrian has authored numerous articles and books. Amongst these are the volumes: "The History of the Armenian Genocide" (1995), now in its fourth printing; "German Responsibility in the Armenian Genocide" (1996); and "Warrant for Genocide" (1999).

Some quotes about the book "The History of the Armenian Genocide":

"Vahakn Dadrian's relentless scholarship on the Armenian Genocide also breathes passion...the determined courage of a scholar who dares to go into the lion's pit of Turkish intent to expunge the records of the Armenian Genocide" - Israel W. Charny, Director of the Institute of the Holocaust, Jerusalem

"This is a tour de force, a great contribution to the historical understanding of the Armenian Genocide, and of genocide generally. I find Dadrian's analysis of the parallels and differences between the Armenian and Jewish cases very instructive." - Yehuda Bauer, Institute of Contemporary Jewry, Hewbrew University, Jerusalem

"[The History of the Armenian Genocide] is without doubt the most important work ever done on the subject. [Dadrian's] painstaking archival work, and [his] wide reading in the relevant sources in Turkish, Armenian, German, French, and English, has no parallel. The book will stand as a monument parallel to Hilberg's master work, The Destruction of European Jewry. [Dadrian] has forced me to rethink the entire issue of comparisons and differences between the Armenian experience in World War I and the Jewish experience in World War II." - Steven T. Katz, Cornell University

Abstract of lecture:

The persistent denial of the World War I Armenian Genocide by past and present Ottoman and Turkish authorities is one of the foremost features characterizing that major instance of organized mass murder of the twentieth century. British historian Arnold Toynbee described it as a disaster that "devastated the Near East in 1915." It is precisely this phenomenon of denial, however, that imparts to that Genocide a special significance as measured by the level at which it may be documented. This critical task is afforded by relying on two categories of sources and data that are as incontestable as they are verifiable. The first embraces those official Ottoman wartime documents which survived the sweeping efforts of the Young Turk perpetrators to remove and/or destroy a mass of incriminating documents. The second involves a large volume of documents prepared by a host of German diplomats, military officers and other assorted agents who during that war were deployed in all corners of the Ottoman Empire as that empire's political and military allies.

 

Vector: Commemorative Conference
Location: America/Cuba
Ghost: The Bay of Pigs as Heroic Attempt to Defeat Evil

The New York Times, March 25, 2001: The Bay of Pigs Revisited, but Arm in Arm, by TIM WEINER


Vector: Truth Commission Testimony
Location: Yugoslavia
Ghost: "Things That Led to the Unfortunate Fate of Our Region over the Last Ten Years.
Source: Radio B92

The search for truth begins

BELGRADE, Friday (23 Mar 01) -- A preliminary meeting of the Committee for Truth and Reconciliation was held in Belgrade today at the behest of Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica.

A statement issued by the President's office described the task of the committee as "the questioning of all those things that led to the unfortunate fate of our region over the last ten years".

The Committee is comprised of 17 distinguished scientists and members of public life. (Srna)

[Nisam optimisticki ali komitet bih bilo jako interesantan. Sretno! - JHW]


New York Times Book Review, 04 March 2001: Key review of a book on remembering the Civil War.


National Geographic. 167:5 (May, 1985)

Series of short articles on the Vietnam Memorial. Some drawn from To Heal a Nation: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial , by Jan Scruggs and Joel L. Swerdlow, Harper and Row. 1985. Includes both the "wall" and the memorial which is comprised of three statues. Compare with analysis of the projected World War II memorial by Andrew Smeltz, included on this Website under Research Reports.


Christian Science Monitor (1 March 2001):

Ben Lynfield, page 1. "JERUSALEM. Israel's prime minister-elect, in the throes of forming a new government, is known to be a militant nationalist. Ariel Sharon's view of history is that the Zionists unequivocally have justice on their side in the conflict over what is known to Jews as the Land of Israel and to Palestinians as Palestine.

At the top of his domestic agenda is a revamping of school curricula to redress 'a weakening of the roots.' The phrase, according to Mr. Sharon's adviser, Ra'anan Gissin, refers to a loss of faith among the young generation of Israelis in the justice of their cause and in the Zionist ethos of redeeming Israel as the land that inherently belongs to the Jewish people.

It's more than an academic or historical debate. Israeli and Arab perceptions about the origins of the Israeli state could prove central to reaching--and selling--any peace accord. Thus, Sharon's moves signal a hardening stance on the issues of Palestinian refugees.

Israeli faith, says Mr. Gissin, has been eroded in part by what he terms'post-Zionist' historians, those who apportion responsibility to the fledglinging state's leadership for the Palestinian refugee problem and, in his view, portray Israeli history as a seizure of land that did not belong to the Jews.

And just as Sharon prepares to reinforce his peoples' view of their inherent rights, a recent request for historical texts raises questions about his efforts.

Benny Morris, a Cambridge-educated historian who teaches at Ben-Gurion University in Beersheba, requested the release of existing cabinet statements and other documents about the fighting in 1948. That's the year Israel was created that Arabs refer to simply as 'the catastrophe' because of the exodus and/or expulsion of more than 600,000 Arabs. But the request was denied by Yossi Beilin, the justice minister.

Dr. Morris wanted them for revisions of his book, The Birth of the Palestine Refugee Problem, 1947-49. In the book, Morris pointed to a middle ground between the Palestinian view of an expulsion and the Israeli depiction of a mass flight, concluding that "the Palestinian refugee problem was born of war, not by design, Jewish or Arab. It was largely a by-product of Arab and Jewish fears and of the protracted fighting the characterized the first Israeli-Arab war.'

Morris believes the thrust of his original arguments still stand in light of documentation that has since been made available. He wants access to the archives to complete a picture he's put together from other sources.

According to Israeli law, classified documents are to be released after 40 years, unless they harm state security, foreign relations, or the privacy of individuals. In this instance the closure of the archival material was reaffirmed out of concern that opening it would harm Israel's foreign relations, according to Evyatar Fritzel, the state archivist.

'I can understand the hesitations of Beilin tht splashing tories of Israel Defense Force atrocitieswould harm the negotiations with the Palestinians,' says Morris. 'But thismust be put against the more general argument that there will be endless negotiations with the Palestinians and Arab states and that this could remain as the [state's] contention for the next 50 years.'

Mr. Beilin declined to be interviewed for this article.

Among the items MOrris sought were expunged minutes of a June 16, 1948 cabinet meeting about the war with Arab neighbors, borders, and whether to allow Palestinian refugees to return to areas held by Israelis.

According to the transcript of the meeting, Prime Minister Ben-Gurion made clear there would be no return of the refugees. And he was troubled that Israel had not extended its conquests to Lydda and Ramle, Arab towns southeast of Tel Aviv.

'The two thorns are remaining --Lydda and Ramle--is a serious flaw in our standing right now,'Mr. Ben-Gurion said. In the archives, five blanked out lines follow that statement and other comments during the meeting by Ben-Gurion and Foreign Minister Moshe Shertok.

A month later, Israeli forces expelled tens of thousands of Palestinians from Lydda and Ramle in an operation commanded by a young officer named Yitzhak Rabin. the bluntly honest Mr. Rabin wrote later in his memoirs --in a passage that was itself censored for many years--that when Ben-Gurion was asked what should be done with the Palestinians, he had ordered, by waving his hand, that they be expelled. Rabin termed the expulsion ' a harsh and cruel action,' though he said it was necessary. Leaving a hostile and armed populace in the rear of his forces would have endangered the supply route to another Israeli brigade, he wrote.

Were Israeli intentions to expel the civilian population of Lydda and Ramle enunciated by Ben-Gurioin a month before the towns were captured?

The answer, as Beilin is aware, is not entirely academic. Until Sharon's electory victory, Beilin was a key negotiator with the Palestinians, and held discussions with counterpart Nabil Shaath on the Palestinian refugee issue. The practicalities of how that issue is resolved -- through a return of refugees, compensation, or other means -derive in part from which historical narrative is given greater weight.

According to the Israeli narrative, the refugees fled from their homes of their own volition during a war launched by the Arab side to snuff ouit the Jewish state. Therefore, as Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak declared repeatedly, Israel bears 'no moral responsibility' for the refugee problem. Mr. Barak was willing to allow the return of a symbolic number of refugees under the framework of family reunification, with no Israeli culpability.

According to the Palestinian narrative, Israel expelled the Palestinians and bears responsibility for their becoming refugees. The Palestinians demand that 3 million refugees located in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and elsewhere be according the 'right of return' to former locales in what became Israel. Israeli leaders see this as a blueprint for destroying Israel as a Jewish state.

The gap promises to widen with Sharon's tenure. He has dropped the framework of the 1993 Oslo Accord, which called for negotiations about the refugees and says that he will opt instead for a limited non-belligerency pact. That means he would not deal with the past.

Hanan Ashrawi, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council, says Israel's behavior during the war was characterized by "ethnic cleansing, deliberate expulsions, and massacres...Allowing the truth to come out would go a long way to starting a process of reconciliation."

[Lots to comment on here. Can we say Israeli Defense Force=Milosevic's JNA+paramilitaries? Except that Arab countries attacked the nascent Israeli state, not the other way around. But Zionists' actions throughout the first half of the century often could not be called defensive. And the story tells of expulsions, but not "massacres" despite Ashrawi's conflation of the two in "ethnic cleansing". I should limit myself to a somewhat personal note. According to Tom Segev, The Seventh Million(see the Website methodological bibliography), 61, "The League for Jewish-Arab Friendship, Brit Shalom, Bar-Kochba, Ihud, and other such tiny dovish organizations believed that Jews and Arabs could live together in the same country under a foreign --British or international--regime. They advocated all kinds of arrangements, such as autonomy and cantonization. But in the main they supported a bi-national society and rejected the varous plans for dividing the country into two independent states." A sympathizer with Ihud, the sociologist David Riesman, was a close friend and teacher of mine. JHW]

 


 Ghostbusters: This is a story about the attempts to deal with the Ghost of the 1921 Tulsa Race riot. The Commission established in 1999 to investigate the riot, in which 300 African-Americans were killed,has recommended: 1. Scholarships in memory of the dead 2. Direct payments to survivors of the riots 3. A memorial (presumably some kind of monument).

There are more National Public Radio segments on this: see SegID=55116 and elsewhere, searching under the key word Tulsa and Tulsa Race Riot. Also see <http://search.npr.org/cf/cmn/cmnps05fm.cfm?SegID=70068>

Now, what is perhaps most interesting about this is the connection to another memorial already established in Tulsa: the one to the bombing of the Murragh Federal Building for which McVey awaits execution. Fewer people died in that one, but the memorial was established much faster. One doubts that a memorial to the Tulsa Race Riot victims will ever actually be built.

Comparing the two memorials/reparations/legacies: a research project?

JHW


Dnevni Avaz (6 December 2000) reports that Alija Izetbegovic has completed his memoirs. See http://www.centraleurope.com/bosniatoday/news.php3?id=227909 Should be fun to compare with other sources, like Sefer Halilovic's Lukava Strategija, and to check out the reviews of the memoirs when they are actually published. Spremamo se!

 


Ithaca Journal (10 Feb 01)Front page, top:

Author tells CU audience debt of slavery still not reconciled. The debt America owes to blacks cannot be measured in cash handouts, or by recognizing a people's history in 28 days that is now deemed Black History Month.

Randall Robinson, the human rights advocate and author of the best-selling "Debt: What America Owes to Blacks, made loud and clear to a packed Kennedy Auditorium at Cornell University. [sic. JHW] "It's important to absolve white people right now of responsibility for the wrongdoing(of slavery)." Robinson, also a Harvard University educated lawyer, lobbyist, spoke passionately to an audience of approximately 250 people of all colors Friday night at Cornell University. He said that America has not come to terms with itself nor its marred history -and he's working on a plan for the country to admit its past and make reparations to his people.

From 1619 until 1965, when the Voting Rights Act was passed, blac ks were oppressed, and then suffered from discrimination that stemmed from that oppression.

"Slavery is the longest running crime against humanity yet," he said.

Reparations, or compensation, to black Americans should be in the form of widespread educational and economic development programs, Robinson said. He is working with prominent lawyers, politicians and academics --from Johnny Cochran to Cornell West --to outline such proposals to bring before Congress by the end of this year.

Robinson wittingly [sic. JHW] peppered his speech Friday with anecdotes of his own ignorance about black history.

Little did he know as a Harvard law school student more than 30 years ago that the school's initial endowment came from money received from the sale of slaves. As a child, he didn't know where Timbuktu was when it was referred to as a destination in conversation, he said.

But worse, he told the story of when he took his daughter for a walk on the Mall in Washington, D.C. Surprised, he noticed that in the place Am erica boasts to the world with symbols of its history, "there's nothing there that has anything to do with us." [See on this Website the Research Report by Drew Smeltz concerning the proposed World War II memorial.] From the white male sculptures in the Capitol Rotunda to the missing names of blacks on the Vietnam Memorial [Zaista? Moram provjeriti ovu izjavu. JHW], he added, "There was not one statue, museum, or tablet in the name of the 30 million Africans who died in the middle passage toward the American Holocaust." [Philip Curtin's figure for total Middle Passage participants, I think, is 10 million. I''ll have to check this out. In a visit to Cornell Chicago historian Peter Novick noted how Toni Morrison used the figure 60 million for Middle Passage deaths in the dedication of one of her books. He suggested that this was a rhetorical invention deliberately moving up one order of magnitude from the figure of 6 million most commonly used for the Judeocide. Arguing over the figures about how many Serbs and Jews died at Jasenovac was one of the most heated sources of conflict in the years between the death of Tito and the death of Tudjman, who did some of it himself. JHW]

With the shift in demographics America will witness in the next 50 years, Robinson said the time is now to recognize "that something has happened as a consequence to a people."

Examining such staggering statistics of the number of black men in America's prisons to the disproportionately high number of blacks who are unemployed, Robinson notes that it is clear "we are asking this country to invest in itself to salvage people who never had a chance in this society."

During a question-and-answer period after his speech, he asked the audience to write to their legislators and ask support of a House of Representatives bill named HR 40, initially introduced in 1993 by Michigan Congressman John Conyers to study the effects of slavery on contemporary African-Americans.

"The greatest crime of slavery was not economic. It was psychological becaus e it robbed a whole people of their culture," he said. [Eat your heart out, Melville Herskovits. JHW]

And in suggesting America emerge from its denial of the past and unify itself to some degree, "we need to tell the story of not just African Americans, but Native Americans, Asian Americans and Hispanic Americans." by Missy Globerman

[Consult Frances Fitzgerald, America Revised. 1979. See Memory Politics bibliography on this Website. JHW]

 

Ithaca Journal (10 Feb 01), page 8.

Congressman opposes payments for slavery. Rep. Maurice Hinchey, D-26th District, said Friday that he's not in favor of the U.S. government's paying reparations to the descendants of former slaves.

"I don't know how (the government) would go about it," Hinchey said. "Who would qualify? How would you identify them? How would you compensate them?"

Hinchey said it would be difficult to separate the experiences "of slaves from indentured servants. Indentured servants of all colors were brought to America to work without any compensation for five to 20 years, servitude also a part of slavery itself, he said.

"Slavery was a dark period of our history, as it was in the histories of other countries that condoned slavery," Hinchey said. "But we resolved it in the 1860s."

The 1860s saw the Civil War and the end of legalized slavery.

Hinchey said people need to look toward the future to ensure that everyone has equal opportunities in public education and employment.

"We haven't quite achieved that yet," he said. "But we need to work toward it." by Victoria Freile.

[On the limited success of efforts to get compensation for those who worked as slave laborers for German firms during World War II, see Benjamin Ferencz, Less than Slaves. Ferencz has also been active in the movement to establish and get American support for a permanent International Criminal Tribunal. JHW]

 

Parliament to nix nationalist holidays

BELGRADE, Saturday, 10 Feb 01 -- The Democratic Opposition of Serbia party whip will propose forming a special commission to change national holidays at the next Serbian Parliament session, Radio B92 learnt today.

Famous Serbian historians and experts for national minorities will take part in the commission.

The first holiday to be struck is March 28, a national holiday in Serbia.

The next parliament session will also treat the matter of the public broadcast of parliament sessions.

According to a well-informed source, the DOS coalition will launch an initiative to stop broadcasting the entire parliament session live, and recommend that excerpts should be broadcast in the evenings after the sessions.


Christian Science Monitor (2 Feb 01):

"In another slap at France, the government of Turkey told two consortia bidding on a major highway project they wouldn't be awarded contracts. The strain began last month when French lawmakers passed, and President Chirac signed, a measure declaring the 1915 mass killings of Armenians under the Ottoman Empire as "genocide." Since then, Turkey has recalled its ambassador; stopped imports of wine and cheese from --and exports of wheat to--France; and canceled $350million worth of contracts for a spy satellite and new electronics for its F-16 warplanes."

[I had heard that it was only last year that a work discussing the responsibility of the 1915 Young Turk government for the Armenian genocide was allowed to be published in Turkey. I'll try to check. An authoritative work on the subject, which emphasizes the shift during the First World War from "Ottoman pluralism, if not liberalism, to narrow Turkish nationalism in the ideological perspective...if the ruling [Young Turk] Party" is Robert Melson, Revolution and Genocide:On the Origins of the Armenian Genocide and the Holocaust. JHW]

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Did you ever wonder why the Governor of Georgia declared a William Calley Day, making his state honor America's most recent war criminal? A few years later that Governor, Jimmy Carter, went on to be President of the United States.

Do you know why some native Americans, and their friends, refuse to carry a twenty-dollar bill in their wallets? Email me at jhw4@cornell.edu.

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 A PETITION TO THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT REGARDING THE NAZI PERSECUTION OF HOMOSEXUALS

The Memorial de la Deportation Homosexuelle, a nonprofit association based in Paris, has launched a petition to the French government calling for an official recognition of the Nazi persecution of homosexuals in Alsace and Lorraine, the regions of France that were formally annexed by the Nazi regime after the fall of France in 1939.

The French government and many nongovernmental organizations involved with commemoration of those persecuted during the occupation of France have been indifferent at best and hostile at worst to the efforts of lesbian and gay organizers since 1980 to honor the homosexual victims of the Nazis. The position of many intellectuals, the media and the academy in France has been similarly problematic.

 

The president of the Memorial de la Deportation Homosexuelle, Jean Le Bitoux, has requested that non-French supporters join the association in calling on the French authorities to address the historic injustice of the persecution of homosexuals during the occupation. Individuals and organizations are invited to sign the petition at the end of this message.

 

February 6, 2001

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FOR MORE INFORMATION

Gerard Koskovich
General Delegate for the United States
M!morial de la D!portation Homosexuelle
P.O. Box 14301
San Francisco, CA 94114-0301
USA
E-mail: DAlembert@aol.com

Further information in French is available from Jean Le Bitoux at the address below. For a copy of the petition in French, visit the "Triangles Roses" website at http://perso.infonie.fr/triangles; click on the "Textes" button.

-----------------------

TO ENDORSE THE PETITION

Please cut and paste the text below into an e-mail message or word-processeddocument. Sign the petition and provide the information requested. Return the signed petition as follows:

 

BY EMAIL
Dalembert@aol.com

BY POST

Memorial de la Deportation Homosexuelle
33, rue Richier
F-75009 Paris
France

A Petition for Official Recognition by France Of the Nazi Deportation of Homosexuals

Between 1933 and 1945, homosexual men and women in Europe were persecuted and interned by the Nazis, primarily in the territory of the Third Reich, including the annexed French regions of Alsace and Lorraine. As a consequence, tens of thousands of Europeans -- among them individuals of French nationality -- were rounded up, tortured, expelled or sent to concentration camps. Certain of these in dividuals survive and continue to press for justice.

Only a small number of European nations today have unequivocally expressed their regret for this specific persecution that formed one part of a broader politics of hate. Yet it is nonetheless clear that homosexuals were among those imprisoned in the concentration camps alongside Jews, Sinti and Roma, political opponents of the Nazis, antifacist organizers, artists and so many others who were hated by the New Order of the Third Reich.

We believe that each nation must honor the memory of all those who were objects of persecution and destruction at the hands of the Nazi regime. For this reason, we join the Association M!morial de la D!portation Homosexuelle, a French national organization, in calling on the appropriate authorities in France to take the following steps:

1. Form a historical commission to authenticate the circumstances in which French nationals in the annexed regions of Alsace and Lorraine found themselves handed over to the Nazis. The commission also must document the degree of persecution suffered by these individuals, as well as the extent to which French officials were involved in their persecution -- in particular with regard to the transfer of surveillance files created illegally by the French police.

2. Sponsor discussions in each region of France between representatives of the local homosexual community and the Holocaust survivors associations that are responsible for the program of the French National Day of Remembrance. These talks would have as their object the putting aside of 20 years of conflict between the two groups and the development of national memorial ceremonies during which the homosexual victims of the Nazis would not be omitted, invisible, forgotten or denied.

3. Make reparations for more than 50 years of historical silence regarding the Nazi persecution of homosexuals: The French Ministry of Education must provide an exhaustive representation of the subject in the official history textbooks it approves, and the authorities of the national university system must provide genuine support to efforts at research in this field, which French scholarship continues to ignore in contrast to the work being done in a fair number of other countries.

4. Take the initiative at the European Parliament to form a commission to evaluate the condition of homosexuals in all European nations. The areas of evaluation must include the current state of legislation, levels of social tolerance, and degrees of social integration. In addition, this commission should identify available cultural and historical landmarks such as archives, libraries and documentation centers. The ultimate object of the commission would be to prepare a white paper, the publication of which would no doubt encourage social solidarity and a harmonizing of the status of homosexuals in Europe.

5. Become actively involved in the construction of a monument to the European homosexuals who were persecuted by the Nazis -- a monument that will serve both to commemorate past horrors and to warn against the dangers of right-wing extremism today. This monument logically should be situated in the Alsace region, in the city of Strasbourg, a capital of the European union and a city where the homosexuals of the Nazi era -- whether because they were open about their lives or because they were victims of denunciation -- paid dearly under the yoke of Nazism.

Signature:
Name (please print):
Profession:
Organization (indicate if signing on behalf of the organization):
Street:
City / State or Province / Postal Code:
Country:
E-mail:
Website:
 

Selective List of Research Projects Currently in Progress

 

The projects listed here are at various stages of completion, with members of the first cohort (Iljazagic, Kliko, Kapidzic, Hodzic, Mesic) usually farther along than others. The reader should also consult postings on the Web site, especially since part of the work done by many of the members consists of the creation of a critical, annotated bibliography/filmography of works published or screened in Bosnia since 1992 in Bosnian and in other languages that narrate or discuss parts of the recent Bosnian past.

 

 

1. A study of commentary, interpretation, and commemoration of the 25 May 1995 shelling massacre in Tuzla. Essays reflecting on attitudes of the population since that time. (Nedzad Kapidzic, Edis Hodzic)

 

2. A study of the history-of-the-war play Iza SNA as performed and commented upon in Tuzla, Sarajevo, and the United States. (Enes Iljazagic and ªDamir Nezirovic). History of the writing and production; thematics; reception; influence. Comparisons with the highly controversial (and partially censored) play TE SJAJNE GODINE OPSADE, to be studied by Mirela Agic and Maida Skripic.

 

3. A study of the campaign to establish a Srebrenica massacre memorial center at Potocari.( (Hajrudin Mesic, Hasan Hasanovic, and Edin Jahic)

 

4. A study of television and newspaper representations of the Markale shelling massacre in Sarajevo and related commemorative activities during the war and in the period 1996-2001. (Amir Kliko)

 

6. A comparison of the thematics, reviewersÕ commentaries, and contemporary perceptions to three of the more prestigious and influential relevant films, SAVIOR, THE SMELL OF QUINCES, PERFECT CIRCLE, and PRETTY VILLAGE, PRETTY FLAMES. This will be a preliminary exercise in preparation for the production of a critical compilation film analyzing the arguments and implicit thematics of a larger selection of films about the breakup of Yugoslavia and the war in Bosnia. (Enes Iljazagic, Nedzad Kapidzic, Edin Memic, possibly others).

 

7. A study of the building of the two opposed monuments to the killing at Ahmici in central Bosnia in 1993. (Enes Iljazagic, Nedzad Kapidzic). This study will also include analysis of representations of the event in films such as the British-made docudrama WARRIORS.

 

8. A localized study of the history textbook wars concentrating on the Brcko area. (Midhat Djelovic).

 

9. A study of the phenomenon of the discovery and framing of the "mass grave" as an exercise in the iconography of journalism. Comparisons with representations of mass graves during the period of World War II. (Ibrahim Husic, Mersudin Karic)

 

10. A study of the reporting in Federation and Republika Srpska press concerning national narratives delivered as part of prosecution and defense arguments at the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague, 1994-2001 (John Weiss, Edis Hodzic). We will pay special attention to press treatment of the perceived fairness or unfairness of the procedures, the balancing of narratives concerning the formation of Bosnia or the origins of the war (examples of both can be found in the very first trial, that of Dusko Tadic), the treatment of local war crimes trials in the entities, and the trials of "our" defendants compared with the trials of "their" defendants (for example, F Áederation and Srpska press and TV accounts and analysis of the Celebic camp trial of Muslim and Croat guards or Federation and Srpska press and TV accounts and analysis of the trial of Dusko Tadic). We will also look for any changes in the language and style of analysis in the accounts of early trials (like that of Dusko Tadic) and more recent ones, like the current trial of General Krstic. The theoretical basis for our interest in the question of the perceived fairness of the procedures as opposed to the fairness of the substance of the narrative testimony can be found in Mark Osiel, Mass Atrocity, Collective Memory, and the Law (New Brunswick:Transaction Publishers, 1997)

 

11. A study of the American reception of SAVIOR, both in reviews and critiques and in audience perceptions. One part of the study will consist of interviews with persons who rented the SAVIOR video are attended a special screening in the fall of 2001. (Benjamin Bleiberg)

 

 Izabrani istrazivacki projekti

 
Ovdje nabrojani projekti zajedno sa clanovima prve generacije (Iljazagic,Kliko,Kapidzic,Hodzic,Mesic)koji su obicno ispred ostalih,su u razlicitim fazama prije zavrsetka.Citalac se takodje
moze informisati naWeb stranici, posebno od kad se dio posla koji rade mnogi clanovi,sastoji od stvaranja kritickog komentara bibliografskih/filmografskih radova objavljnih ili snimljenih u Bosni od 1992 na bosanskom i drugim jezicima koji pripovijedaju ili diskutuju o dijelovima nedavne bosnaske proslosti.
 
1Studija o komentarisanju,interprentaciji i komemoraciji masakra u Tuzli 25. maja 1995.Eseji prikazuju stavove populacije od tog vremena.(Nedzad Kapidzic,Edis Hodzic).
 
2.Studija o porijeklu predstave nastale u ratu IZA SNA koja je izvedena i komentarisana u Tuzli,Sarajevu i Sjedinjenim Drzavama.(Enes Iljazagic i Damir Nezirovic).Istorija pisanja i produkcije;tematike;prijema;uticaja.Usporedba sa vrlo kontroverznom(i djelimicno cenzurisanom)predstavom TE SJAJNE GODINE OPSADE,koju su proucavale Mirela Agic i Maida Skripic.
 
3.Studija o kampanji da se otvori memorijalni centar u Potocarima posvecen maskru u Srebrenici.(Hajrudin Mesic,Hasan Hasnovic i Edin Jahic)
 
4.Studija o reprezentaciji, na televiziji i u stampi, maskra na Markalama u Sarajevu i slicnim komemorativnim aktivnostima tokom rata i u periodu 1996-2001.(Amir Kliko)
 
5.Usporedba tematike,recenzentskih komentara i istovremeno osvrt na cetri najprestiznija i bitno najuticajnija filma,SPASILAC,MIRIS DUNJA,SAVRSENI KRUG I LIJEPA SELA LIJEPO GORE.Ovo ce biti pred-vijezba u pripremi za produkciju kriticke izrade filmske analize,argumentiranja i implicitnih tematika na osnovu velike selekcije filmova o raspadu Jugoslavije i ratu u Bosni.(Enes Iljazagic,Nedzad Kapidzic,Edin Memic,ostali).
 
6.Studija o izgradnji dva suprotna spomenika o ubijanju u Ahmicima u centralnoj Bosni u 1993.(Enes Iljazagic,Nedzad Kapidzik.)Ova studija ce takodje ukljucivati analize reprezentacija dogadjaja u filmovima kao sto je britanska drama RATNICI.
 
7.Lokalna studija o ratovima za udzbenike iz istorije koncentrisana na regiju Brckog.(Midhat Djelovic)
 
8.Studija o fenomenu otkrivanja i laziranja"masovne grobnice" kao vijezba o ikonografiji u zurnalizmu.Usporedbe sa reprzentacijama masovnih grobnica tokom perioda iz drugog svijetskog rata.(Ibrahim Husic,Mersudin Karic)
 
9.Studija o izvjestavanju stampe u Federaciji i Republici Srpskoj sto se tice nacionalnih pripovijedaca izrodjenih iz argumenata optuzbe i odbrane u Medjunarodnom sudu u Hagu,1994-2001(John Weiss,Edis Hodzic).Posebnu cemo obratiti paznju na odnos stampe
po pitanju nepristrasnosti i pristrasnost u procesima(oba primjera mogu se naci u prvom sudjenju Dusku Tadicu),odnos prema lokalnim sudskim procesima o ratnim zlocinima u entitetima i sudjenja "nasim" tuzenim u poredjenu sa sudjenjima "njihovim" tuzenim(na primjer,prikazivanje i anliziranje sudjenja muslimanskim i hrvatskim strazarima u procesu"Logor Celebici" u stampi i TV Federacije i Srpske i TV ili stampa i TV Federacije i Srpske i analiziranje sudjenja Dusku Tadicu).Takodje cemo pregledati neke promjene u jeziku i stilu analiza,u pogledu prijasnjih sudjenja(kao sto je Dusku Tadicu) i mnoga novija,kao trenutno sudjenje generalu Krsticu.Teoretske osnove naseg interesa su o pitanju otkrivanja nepristrasnosti u procesuiranju a ne na nepristrasnosti o sustini svjedocenja moze se naci kod MarkaOziela, Masovnazvjerstva,kolektivna uspomena i zakon(New Brunswick;Transaction Publishers,1997)
 
Konacno,zelio bih ovdje da napomenem na zancaj projekta i da dijelom potice iz cinjenice da nijedno ovakvo istrazivanje nikada ranije nije bilo sprovedeno u Bosni,sa djelimicnom iznimkom Majkl Selsove PREMOSTENE IZDAJE:RELIGIJA I GENOCID U BOSNI, niti je i jedan Bosanac ikad prije bio obucen,kako da sprovodi ovakva istrazivanja.Kriticki razumijeti kako se bosanski "duhovi"pojavljuju,skrivaju i istrazuju,moze samo unaprijediti razlog za mir,stabilnost i prosvijetliti demokratski politicki progres u ovoj zemlji i sirom Balkana.
 
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